After
we studied Sartre in class, I really wanted to study his engagement in the
communist party because it had always looked paradoxical to me. I’ll first talk
about the reactions of the communists to existentialism, then we’ll study how
Sartre lived his engagement and finally we’ll see on a theoretical side if it
is actually paradoxical.
Indeed,
my first argument would be the misunderstanding of the existentialist doctrine
by the communists. As we’ve seen, they reproached Sartre to have created a
passive doctrine, with no action. This analysis I completely wrong, the main
conclusion of Sartre’s study is that engagement is the paroxysm of human
liberty. You are only human when you express your liberty at its utmost, thus
when you engage yourself. Therefore, how could communist say it’s a passive
doctrine when it defends engagement that way? It may be because Sartre explains
liberty is innate and not a right to be fought for. The fact that liberty is innate
does not mean you have to stop fighting for it, only that you do not fight for
its existence but its free expression in your society. This theory implies the
fact that you always have a choice, even it seems that you don’t, that also
means not to get engaged is also a choice, and also an of human liberty, even
if it’s a weak one because not enlightened. It is not to be judged. Indeed,
communists may have seen this lack of judgement toward those who don’t engage
as a defence. In the end, Sartre had to hold the very well-known conference
“Existentialism is a humanism” (which was lately turned in to a book) to answer
this critic (along with the one that I was a Godless doctrine and so without
morale). It wasn’t very effective and Simone de Beauvoir had to help him out in
Ethics of ambiguity.
When he was younger, Sartre displayed
no political opinions whatsoever except for a side of anarchism common to the
intellectual elite. It’s the Second World War that woke up its political
instincts. He revealed himself to be pacifist and anti-militarist. With the
defeat, hi is made a prisoner by the Germans and he learns life in a community
and solidarity through his experience. When he was before an individualist, he
started to re-evaluate his role inside a community. He published The being and nothingness just at the end
of the war, meaning before his most important engagement in the communist
party, we can suppose his thoughts had evolved. Moreover, he didn’t act as a
resistant during the war, and even published articled in right-wing reviews. We
can see his political engagement is really ambiguous. In the few years
following the end of the war, he wants to create a third road between
capitalism and Stalinism, both denying the human rights. He even creates a
political party. But the events in Korea and the repression of communist
protesters lead him to engage in the communist party where he becomes a lead
figure. Then, he decides to support the USSR whereas Camus thinks the abysmal
treatment of the population is a reason to denounce it: their friendship is
broken up and Sartre will go on on this line until the Budapest insurrection
where he finally decide to cut all ties with the party. We have seen his
orientation towards communism has been wobbly. We can ask ourselves why he
decided to engage in this party among others. Obviously, his ideological
positions were close but we can think of others factors. Firstly, at the end of
the war, there were only two parties that had resisted and for an
existentialist humanist, he couldn’t engage in any other: they were the party
of De Gaulle which was overtly capitalist and was a bit light on human rights
and then the communist party. Then, the latter hosted all of his closest
friends and the intellectual elite he hanged out with, there’s a kind of
emulation.
Finally we’ll see how his philosophy
can be linked with communism. Freedom is at the center of existentialism
meaning everyone always has a choice. It implies there is no determinism,
someone using excuses like God, a lack of opportunities or a weakest social
standing to explain his shortcomings is full of bad faith. Therefore, engaging
in apolitical party which defends the idea everyone is equal and promotes
equality instead of liberty seems paradoxical. Furthermore, the Stalinist
regime denied basic human rights which go against the humanist part of
existentialism. But, in the light of the action of the French communist party
back then, meaning they mainly sought to achieve rights equality and basic life
decency for everyone, it’s quite logical. It’s the alignment with Moscow which
is not understandable and defensible. However, if it was nowadays, the
engagement of Sartre in the communist party would truly be a paradox! Why? What
was sought before has been achieved, they now work for equality of
opportunities and equality in the situations, and for the reasons explained
before, and as it relies on the notion of determinism it is thus unreliable to
existentialism.
In
the end, I’ll say the relation linking Sartre and communism was very ambiguous.
On one hand, he was one of the lead figures of the movement in France and this
doctrine was present in its works (Les
mains sales). However, his personal attachment to communism looks very
fleeting and in light of the existentialist philosophy, it’s not the most
logical choice ever!
Hi Alexandra, I think that the relation between Sartre's engagement in the communist movement and his philosophy of existentialism is indeed an interesting subject.
ReplyDeleteI do agree with you, as a freedom fighter, Sartre's engagement along with the communists against colonialism is perfectly understandable and legitimate. However, while Camus and many others philosophers and writters did, he should (I think) have turned his back from the PCF after the attack against Budapest in 1956. It had become clear than the USSR was not fighting for libery. Thus Sartre prolonged support to the USSR leave a stain in his memory and is truly paradoxical.